The history of the Norman conquest of England, its causes and its results, Volume 3 (of 6)The history of the Norman conquest of England, its causes and its results, Volume 3 (of 6)

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NOTE AA. p. 338. The Operations of the English Fleet in 1066

Did the English fleet, or any part of it, ever encounter the Norman fleet or any part of it? The general run of our narrative would lead us to say, No; but there are some passages which look the other way. Thus the Peterborough Chronicler, immediately after describing Harold’s election, says, “And þy ylcan geare þe he cyng wæs, he for út mid sciphere togeanes Willelme, and þá hwile com Tostig eorl into Humbran míd lx. scipum.” And this seems to be followed by Henry of Huntingdon (M. H. B. 762 A); “Quod audiens Rex Haraldus, vir bellis acerrimus, cum navali exercitu contra Willielmum Ducem in mare profectus est.” These expressions do not necessarily imply a battle, but they seem to point to some operations beyond merely watching the coast.

Of the entries in Domesday referred to in the text, one, that about Æthelric of Kelvedon, distinctly asserts a battle, but without mentioning its date. It occurs under Essex, ii. 14 b. Æthelric held Kelvedon T. R. E. The Survey adds, “Hic supradictus Ailricus abiit in navale prœlium contra Willelmum Regem.” This seems to imply an actual engagement, though of course it need not have been a general engagement between the whole of the two fleets, which seems quite impossible. The entry goes on to say that Æthelric on his return—when the fleet returned to London in September?—fell sick, perhaps from a wound, and left his lands at Kelvedon to Saint Peter at Westminster. “Quum rediit, cecidit in infirmitate, tunc dedit Sancto Petro istud manerium.” The words which follow in Domesday have an importance of another kind, which I shall discuss in a future volume.

The other Domesday entry referred to is less distinct than that of Æthelric, but it looks the same way. In Norfolk, ii. 200, we find mention of one Eadric, described as “Rector navis Regis Edwardi.” On William’s accession he was outlawed and fled to Denmark (“postquam Rex W. venit in Angliam fuit iste Edricus exlex in Daciam”). One may guess that Eadric commanded in the engagement or skirmish in which Æthelric was concerned. And in connexion with this East-Anglian entry, we may take the statement of John of Oxenedes (293), about Ælfwold, Abbot of Saint Benet’s; “Huic a Rege Haraldo marina committebatur custodia.”

There are some other passages which might seem to imply naval operations at a later time. Of the losses of William’s fleet during the voyage, and of the affair of Romney, whenever it happened, I have spoken in the text, pp. 410, 534. A deed in the Cartulary of the Holy Trinity at Rouen (pp. 453, 454) looks the same way. One Roger, the son of Turold, who was going to join William’s expedition (“ultra mare cum Willelmo Comite navigaturus”), gave lands to the monastery, but died on the voyage before the gift was complete (“in eâdem navigatione morte præventus, hoc confirmare non valuit”). We must also remember the account given by William of Poitiers (131), where he describes Harold’s march into Sussex, and says that an English fleet of seven hundred ships was sent somewhere or other to cut off the Norman retreat (“ne perfugio abirent, classe armatâ ad septingentas naves in mari opposuerat insidias”). Guy of Amiens (319) puts nearly the same statement into the mouth of one of the messengers between William and Harold;

“Per mare, per terram, prœlia magna parat.
In mare quingentas fertur misisse carinas,
Ut nostri reditûs præpediatur iter.”

But there is no sign of this great fleet doing anything, and William and Guy are so careless of chronology that they are quite capable of meaning the fleet which went back to London in September. As for the affair of Romney, it is not likely that Thegns from Norfolk and Essex would be concerned in an action so purely local. And the story of Æthelric would seem to imply that he died before the end of Harold’s reign.

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